Long-Distance Wh-Movement and Minimalism
نویسنده
چکیده
1 Introduction Long wh-movement is a phenomenon by which an element appears to move directly from an A-or A-position to a higher A-destination, ignoring weak island constraints and bypassing the intermediate landing sites that are characteristic of successive-cyclic wh-movement. Cinque (1990) gives some examples of the contrast between long and successive-cyclic wh-movements, illustrating the long-distance variety's immunity to weak island effects (the (a) examples show successful long movement, and the (b) examples show failure of long movement because the moved element requires successive-cyclic movement): (1) Extraposition Island (= Cinque (1990:2), ex. (7)) a. To whom is it time to speak t? b. *How is it time to behave t? (2) Factive Island (= Cinque (1990:2), ex. (6)) a. To whom do you regret that you could not speak t? b. *How do you regret that you behaved t? These data indicate that some sort of island-defying movement is available in certain instances and/or to certain elements. This paper focuses on the properties of long-movement itself, leaving the issue of which elements may participate in this phenomenon for future research. For present purposes, it is sufficient to note that Cinque (1990) and Chung (1994, 1998) notice that only certain DPs are eligible to participate in a long-movement operation. Cinque argues that the moved element in a long-movement construction must be " referen-tial. " In Cinque's terminology, this is a DP " that refer[s] to specific members of a preestab-lished set " (Cinque 1990:8). It is D-linked (Pesetsky 1987), and, unlike non-referential DPs, it can enter into coreference relationships. Chung points out some deficiencies with this proposal , but it is a sufficient working analysis for now. I return to this issue in the conclusion. 1 Further, Cinque's formal notions of antecedent government and binding have quite different incarnations in the Minimalist Program (Chomksy 1999). For example, antecedent government, whose role is to enforce strict locality in successive-cyclic movement, is superseded by the Phase Impenetrability Condition. Antecedent government is consequently discarded in Minimalism. With the theoretical advances of Minimalist syntax, Cinque's ideas merit new scrutiny and revision. I discuss this topic in more detail in Section 7 and, with respect to Minimalism and long movement generally, immediately below. As I show in Section 2, there is strong evidence that long wh-movement does indeed bypass the typical stopping-off points that characterize ordinary wh-movement. A DP that undergoes long wh-movement appears to move directly …
منابع مشابه
Weak Crossover and the Absence of Traces
We provide a new definition of the linear prominence constraints between pronouns and operators (wh-words and quantifiers) which correctly rules out examples that violate weak crossover. Previous analyses of weak crossover relied on the presence of a trace in the extraction site of a wh-question; in contrast, our analysis enables a traceless account of examples previously cited in support of tr...
متن کاملWh - in - Situ in the Framework of the Minimalist Program
covertly to be assigned wide scope is infeasible. Rather, it is assumed that they must be interpretable in situ, and that syntactic conditions like ‘superiority’ are effects of economy, which restricts overt rather than covert movement of a wh-element. The remaining syntactic problem for this line of reasoning is the putative ECP effects of adverbial wh-adjuncts, which were the strongest eviden...
متن کاملWh-Expletives and Secondary Predication: German Partial Wh-Movement Reconsidered
In German, complex wh-interrogatives can optionally be formed by inserting the 3 person neuter wh-pronoun was in the matrix (Spec,CP) position, instead of long-distance wh-raising. It is generally assumed that 'expletive' was serves as a placeholder for a contentful whexpression lower down in the sentence, which substitutes for it at the level of semantic interpretation. It can be shown, howeve...
متن کاملImperfect Checking
This article presents a unified solution to two long-standing problems concerning successive cyclicity. First, under the minimalist program of Chomsky (1995), a trigger for successive-cyclic wh-movement to [–wh] SpecC positions must be identified. Second, as noted by den Besten & Webelhuth (1990), there is a strict prohibition against unbound intermediate traces that result from a combination o...
متن کاملComplementiser Phrase: The Case of English Wh-Embedded Clauses
English main-clause wh-questions form complementiser phrases with wh-words preposed to spec-C position. This is because English wh-words, as verb-complements originally, are strong enough to trigger wh-movement and auxiliary inversion. Persian EFL learners encounter an over-differentiation problem regarding the acquisition of auxiliary inversion rule in English standard questions. Once they hav...
متن کامل